Category Archives: media

Netflix’s First Pakistani Original Faces Delay

As streaming giants race to capture diverse audiences, Pakistan finds itself at a crossroads. Netflix’s first Pakistani original series promised to put the country on the global entertainment map, but production delays have raised questions about whether Pakistan is truly ready for this moment.

Netflix’s much-talked-about series *Jo Bachay Hain Sang Samait Lo* has become a double-edged sword for the country’s television industry. Billed as the streamer’s first Pakistan-themed original, this adaptation brings together stars including Mahira Khan, Fawad Khan, Sanam Saeed, Ahad Raza Mir, Hamza Ali Abbasi, Hania Aamir, Maya Ali, Bilal Ashraf, and Iqra Aziz.

Ever since word first got out in 2023, expectations have remained unusually high. By Pakistani standards, this project is seriously ambitious. Filming has taken place across multiple countries and has mixed established stars with fresh faces. Netflix has called it their most significant Pakistani production yet. That scope alone makes it feel like a turning point—a chance for Pakistani drama to step out of the regional curiosity box and onto the global stage.

After missing its original premiere month of June 2025, questions remain unanswered. Local media is now talking about a window later in the year as production and post-production continue to drag on. The delay might frustrate fans, but it also highlights something bigger.

Creating a project that ticks Netflix’s technical and editorial boxes, while keeping its Pakistani soul intact, is incredibly challenging. The real question is whether Pakistan is ready for this moment.

Other countries have already learned how to use Netflix to amplify their storytelling voices. India’s *Sacred Games* and *Delhi Crime* helped establish what prestige local originals could look like. South Korea’s *Squid Game* changed the game for global television. Australia and the UK have entered Netflix with their own domestic stories.

Pakistan, meanwhile, is showing up late to a party where audiences are already overwhelmed by international content. Being late doesn’t lower the stakes—it raises them.

A star-studded cast is no guarantee of success. Hits don’t just happen because you throw money and famous faces at something. If Pakistan’s first Netflix original feels watered down—more English and less Urdu, more generic South Asia and less distinctly Pakistan—then what story is it actually telling? And if the technical elements like editing, sound, and visual effects don’t meet Netflix standards, viewers will just click away.

A stumble could reinforce the idea that Pakistan can’t deliver at an international scale. At the same time, it seems unfair that one show has to carry so much symbolic weight. No single production should prove an industry’s worth. But delays have a way of intensifying that pressure.

The longer *Jo Bachay Hain Sang Samait Lo* is delayed, the more it becomes the test of whether Pakistan can compete with its neighbours and peers on streaming platforms. If the series succeeds, it could open doors for everyone who comes afterward. If it doesn’t, there will still be lessons about infrastructure, creative decisions, and the trade-offs that come with working alongside global platforms.

Either way, Pakistan can’t keep sitting on the sidelines while others shape what it means to be global in entertainment.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345082-netflixs-first-pakistani-original-faces-delay

Netflix’s First Pakistani Original Faces Delay

As Streaming Giants Race to Capture Diverse Audiences, Pakistan Finds Itself at a Crossroads

Netflix’s first Pakistani original series promised to put the country on the global entertainment map, but production delays have raised questions about whether Pakistan is truly ready for this moment.

Netflix’s much-talked-about series *Jo Bachay Hain Sang Samait Lo* has become a double-edged sword for the country’s television industry. Billed as the streamer’s first Pakistan-themed original, this adaptation brings together stars including Mahira Khan, Fawad Khan, Sanam Saeed, Ahad Raza Mir, Hamza Ali Abbasi, Hania Aamir, Maya Ali, Bilal Ashraf, and Iqra Aziz.

Ever since word first got out in 2023, expectations have remained unusually high. By Pakistani standards, this project is seriously ambitious. Filming has taken place across multiple countries and has mixed established stars with fresh faces. Netflix has called it their most significant Pakistani production yet. That scope alone makes it feel like a turning point — a chance for Pakistani drama to step out of the regional curiosity box and onto the global stage.

However, after missing its original premiere month of June 2025, questions remain unanswered. Local media is now talking about a window later in the year as production and post-production continue to drag on. The delay might frustrate fans, but it also highlights something bigger: creating a project that ticks Netflix’s technical and editorial boxes, while keeping its Pakistani soul intact, is incredibly challenging.

The real question is whether Pakistan is ready for this moment.

Other countries have already learned how to use Netflix to amplify their storytelling voices. India’s *Sacred Games* and *Delhi Crime* helped establish what prestige local originals could look like. South Korea’s *Squid Game* changed the game for global television. Australia and the UK have entered Netflix with their own domestic stories.

Pakistan, meanwhile, is showing up late to a party where audiences are already overwhelmed by international content. Being late doesn’t lower the stakes — it raises them.

A star-studded cast is no guarantee for success. Hits don’t just happen because you throw money and famous faces at something. If Pakistan’s first Netflix original feels watered down — more English and less Urdu, more generic South Asia and less distinctly Pakistani — then what story is it actually telling? And if the technical elements like editing, sound, and visual effects don’t meet Netflix standards, viewers will just click away.

A stumble could reinforce the idea that Pakistan can’t deliver at an international scale.

At the same time, it seems unfair that one show has to carry so much symbolic weight. No single production should prove an industry’s worth. But delays have a way of intensifying that pressure. The longer *Jo Bachay Hain Sang Samait Lo* is delayed, the more it becomes the test of whether Pakistan can compete with its neighbours and peers on streaming platforms.

If the series succeeds, it could open doors for everyone who comes afterwards. If it doesn’t, there will still be lessons about infrastructure, creative decisions, and the trade-offs that come with working alongside global platforms.

Either way, Pakistan can’t keep sitting on the sidelines while others shape what it means to be global in entertainment.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345082-netflixs-first-pakistani-original-faces-delay

Netflix’s First Pakistani Original Faces Delay

As streaming giants race to capture diverse audiences, Pakistan finds itself at a crossroads. Netflix’s first Pakistani original series promised to put the country on the global entertainment map, but production delays have raised questions about whether Pakistan is truly ready for this moment.

Netflix’s much-talked-about series *Jo Bachay Hain Sang Samait Lo* has become a double-edged sword for the country’s television industry. Billed as the streamer’s first Pakistan-themed original, this adaptation brings together stars including Mahira Khan, Fawad Khan, Sanam Saeed, Ahad Raza Mir, Hamza Ali Abbasi, Hania Aamir, Maya Ali, Bilal Ashraf, and Iqra Aziz.

Ever since word first got out in 2023, expectations have remained unusually high. By Pakistani standards, this project is seriously ambitious. Filming has taken place across multiple countries and has mixed established stars with fresh faces. Netflix has called it their most significant Pakistani production yet.

That scope alone makes it feel like a turning point—a chance for Pakistani drama to step out of the regional curiosity box and onto the global stage.

However, after missing its original premiere month (June 2025), questions remain unanswered. Local media is now talking about a release window later in the year, as production and post-production continue to drag on. The delay might frustrate fans, but it also highlights something bigger.

Creating a project that ticks Netflix’s technical and editorial boxes, while keeping its Pakistani soul intact, is incredibly challenging. The real question is whether Pakistan is ready for this moment.

Other countries have already learned how to use Netflix to amplify their storytelling voices. India’s *Sacred Games* and *Delhi Crime* helped establish what prestige local originals could look like. South Korea’s *Squid Game* changed the game for global television. Australia and the UK have entered Netflix with their own domestic stories.

Pakistan, meanwhile, is showing up late to a party where audiences are already overwhelmed by international content. Being late doesn’t lower the stakes—it raises them.

A star-studded cast is no guarantee for success. Hits don’t just happen because you throw money and famous faces at something. If Pakistan’s first Netflix original feels watered down—more English and less Urdu, more generic South Asia and less distinctly Pakistani—then what story is it actually telling?

And if the technical elements like editing, sound, and visual effects don’t meet Netflix standards, viewers will just click away. A stumble could reinforce the idea that Pakistan can’t deliver at an international scale.

At the same time, it seems unfair that one show has to carry so much symbolic weight. No single production should prove an industry’s worth.

But delays have a way of intensifying that pressure. The longer *Jo Bachay Hain Sang Samait Lo* is postponed, the more it becomes the test of whether Pakistan can compete with its neighbours and peers on streaming platforms.

If the series succeeds, it could open doors for everyone who comes afterwards. If it doesn’t, there will still be lessons about infrastructure, creative decisions, and the trade-offs that come with working alongside global platforms.

Either way, Pakistan can’t keep sitting on the sidelines while others shape what it means to be global in entertainment.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345082-netflixs-first-pakistani-original-faces-delay

The format is the politics

The spectacle is not a collection of images; it is a social relation among people, mediated by images.
— Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle, Thesis 4 (1967)

A single week turned the calendar into an instrument: the political killing on September 10; the next day, a 9/11 podium used to anoint a fallen martyr of the movement; and, by Sunday, a stadium funeral where a posthumous Medal of Freedom would render the man an icon.

It was a week dense enough to power an entire season of politics, reverberating insistently into the midterms.

The First Lesson of Political Grief is Staging

A man is killed in public and, within hours, a nation begins curating its memory around him. In Arizona, an NFL stadium is reserved for September 21, doors at eight in the morning, the programme at eleven; it is a logistical poem in the language of scale. The memorial is not only commemorative, but instructive. It demonstrates that this movement can fill an arena, that its sorrow lays public claim.

President Donald Trump has said he will attend the memorial. He has also vowed to award Charlie Kirk the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously, transfiguring a personal loss into a civil sacrament.

These gestures are not incidental. They are narrative instruments, designed to transmute grief into doctrine.

The Facts and the Legal Response

The facts, as recited by prosecutors, are bald and bloodless. On September 10 at Utah Valley University, a single shot from a distance ended Kirk’s life. A 22-year-old, Tyler Robinson, now stands charged with aggravated murder and related offences. Utah County has announced it will seek the death penalty.

Digital footprints, including Discord transcripts, and physical evidence are alleged to bind the suspect to the act. These particulars will be tested in court. Their public function, however, is already clear: to classify the event as political violence and to affirm the state’s intent to respond with maximal severity.

The Killing Unfolds in the Feeds

Yet the more immediate and more volatile story is how the killing unfolded in the feeds. Within minutes there was video, then more video: angles from beneath the rally tent; a stifled cry; confusion breaking into flight; the snap of sirens.

It was ubiquitous—on X, TikTok, Instagram, YouTube, Facebook, even Truth Social, where the president posted the formal announcement. Legacy outlets abstained from airing the impact but platforms did not await permission. The gatekeeper never vanished, only relocated.

In this digital ecology, verification trails virality, and meaning congeals before officials can reach a lectern.

How Platforms Manufacture Meaning

This is consequential. What is amplified in initial moments shapes the risk curve. The research is unambiguous: moral-emotive language accelerates dissemination; incendiary content outpaces correction; and the spotlight on perpetrators creates a contagion window where mimicry becomes plausible.

Hence the evolution of journalistic ethics—no notoriety norms that de-emphasise names and imagery. Hence the platform tools that slow virality: labels, friction, age-gates.

These are not ornamental choices. They are instruments of harm reduction.

The gatekeeper never vanished; it relocated. In this digital ecology, verification trails virality and meaning congeals before officials can reach a lectern. Because in the platform economy, everything is content and content is metastasis.

Even Roblox, a children’s game engine, moved to remove over one hundred user-created experiences based on the killing. Violence, once a rupture, now feeds a market.

Jubilee Media’s Surrounded as a Case Study

Ostensibly a space for empathetic encounter, the format is optimised not for understanding but for spectacle. A single guest is ringed by adversaries and moderation is minimal. Fact-checks are late and cosmetic. The design favours confrontation over clarity.

Charlie Kirk’s appearance in an episode titled Can 25 Liberal College Students Outsmart 1 Conservative?, aired a year before his death. After the killing, clips from the episode were re-cut, re-framed and re-circulated across partisan lines. Surrounded became a supply chain; affect became archive.

We are now, remarkably, at the point where public figures seriously suggest Jubilee as a host for presidential debate. This is not an evolution of democratic culture; it is a capitulation to clip logic. The shift from policy to performance, from moderation to monetisation, is nearly complete.

The London Rally and Elon Musk’s Role

Meanwhile, in London on September 13, there was another spectacle: the Unite the Kingdom rally led by Tommy Robinson. Over 100,000 gathered and clashes ensued. Twenty-six police officers were injured and twenty-five arrests made.

But the most circulated moment came not from a marcher, but a mogul: Elon Musk, in a recorded video, warned that violence is coming and urged supporters to fight back or die. Downing Street condemned the rhetoric. But it had already circulated—sliced, subtitled and algorithmically elevated by the platform Musk owns.

The rally was a street event only in setting. Its real venue was the screen.

The Substitution of Scale for Legitimacy

It would be facile to conflate Arizona’s arena and Whitehall’s streets into one story of right-wing bloom. The two phenomena differ in texture and intent. But they do share one defining grammar: the substitution of scale for legitimacy.

A full bowl in Glendale and a six-figure march in London are intended to function as affective plebiscites. If you resist the reading, you are accused of condescension. If you accept it, you surrender the premise that democracy rests on anything beyond optics.

What is being manufactured here is not merely sentiment, but a durable grammar.

The old regime of meaning-making, wherein editors determined exposure and sequence, is defunct. Now the crowd publishes first. Institutions scramble to retrofit coherence. Graphic video is not a glitch; it is the baseline. Platforms pretend their exceptions are rare. They are not. They are the rule.

The Triptych of the Right

Here, distinctions matter, crucially. The modern right is often misread as monolithic. It is not. It operates in three distinct but overlapping registers: conservatism, populism and hate.

Conservatism, at its most principled, is a temperament anchored in institutional continuity, constitutionalism and the moral suspicion of speed. It harbours a philosophical wariness of haste, premised on the belief that swift political action often courts instability and that time is democracy’s truest proving ground.

Populism is a style. It presumes to speak directly for the people against an allegedly corrupt elite. It collapses mediation, scorns process and privileges immediacy.

Hate is neither style nor temperament. It is a politics of exclusion that recruits grievance as license for menace.

All three currents were visible in the American aftermath. The conservative response was constitutional: call for calm, insist on process. The populist response was martial: recast the death as proof of siege. The hateful fringe celebrated, doxxed and organised.

The same triptych holds in the United Kingdom. The Conservative Party is beleaguered and directionless. Reform UK, unencumbered by governing record, offers the populist idiom in its purest form. The Robinson rally showed hate, unadorned.

Keir Starmer’s characterisation of the moment as the fight of our times came only after institutional hesitation—a faltering calculus over what counted as free expression and what crossed into incitement.

In a liberal society, the line must be drawn with precision. That becomes treacherous when the owner of the platform is also its most prolific arsonist.

Why These Distinctions Matter

These distinctions are not academic. They determine remedy.

  • A conservative pathology calls for institutional repair.
  • A populist seizure demands procedural ballast: transparency, clarity and the visible work of government.
  • Hate, meanwhile, requires constraint: social quarantine, prosecutorial clarity and refusal to launder eliminationist discourse as legitimate pluralism.

The media system, part battlefield, part vector, has tools. Newsrooms can abstain from premature motives. They can elevate accuracy over engagement. Platforms can intervene: interstitial warnings, algorithmic friction, context over shock.

None of this silences grief. It merely resists its weaponisation.

Volume over Truth?

What of the presidency? The 9/11 dais becomes canon; the Medal of Freedom, scripture. This is not commemoration; it is choreography. The president’s call for nonviolence is framed as boundary. Yet its elasticity ensures that boundary will be tested by echo, by reinterpretation, by omission.

Reform’s rise reveals a deeper confusion: agenda-setting is mistaken for capacity. Populism thrives in this ambiguity. It seizes attention, but cannot govern. It shortens deliberation, but cannot substitute for it.

Conservatism, if it is to recover, must reject the populist tailcoat and return to the long arc of capacity as its only claim to power.

The contrast is striking: while states elsewhere fall for fear of the feed, here the feed is enlisted to govern. We are left to ponder a grim symmetry—between the censorship that catalyses revolt and the spectacle that pacifies it.

The Power of Language

Finally, there is language: the medium through which all political life flows. A conservative idiom draws thresholds that make coexistence possible. A populist idiom dissolves them. A hateful idiom sharpens them into knives.

The coming weeks will test which idiom prevails. Will grief become instruction, or mandate? Will virality dictate virtue? Will newsrooms favour volume over truth?

As grief metastasises into legacy, a new guard gathers in the wings—polished, pious and poised for virality. As The Hollywood Reporter notes, figures like Riley Gaines, Alex Clark and Allie Beth Stuckey may soon channel Kirk’s ethos into an even more ardent, platform-native activism.

Nothing is preordained. Meaning will be shaped, as it always is, by human choice: who speaks, who edits, who clips, who captions.

The cameras will pan across a stadium and across Whitehall. These images are not innocently large. They are arguments waged through lens and lighting.

The Work Ahead

The work ahead is neither theatrical nor viral. It is unfashionably slow. To let institutions speak before the feed canonises; to grant mourning its moment, but not a monopoly on meaning; to recover the courage of discernment: between dissent and menace, spectacle and substance, grief and grievance.

This work will not trend. But it may still be what saves the republic.

The Future of Media

What, then, of the future of media itself? In this maelstrom of platforms, clips and narrative distortion, the challenge lies not only in content but also in architecture.

Journalism must reclaim tempo as ethical stance—not slowness for its own sake, but discernment as democratic discipline. Institutions that once curated public understanding must reimagine their function, not as arbiters of truth but as scaffolds for trust.

Platform companies, long allergic to responsibility, will either accept civic obligations or deepen their complicity in democracy’s decline.

What emerges from this crucible must be more than regulatory friction. It must be a renewed compact between public attention and public consequence.

Otherwise, the feed will not merely report history; it will write it, untethered from judgment, propelled only by what bleeds, what spreads and what sells.

A Global Contrast

Yet irony shadows the global stage. In Nepal, the so-called Gen Z revolution surged in response to the government’s ban on social media platforms—all but TikTok—provoking youth-led protests that surrounded the Parliament and forced a democratic reckoning.

There, platforms were seen as threats to order. But in the West, the same digital scaffolding is not only permitted but instrumentalised. It is not the enemy of government but its medium.

The contrast is striking: while states elsewhere fall for fear of the feed, here the feed is enlisted to govern. We are left to ponder a grim symmetry—between the censorship that catalyses revolt and the spectacle that pacifies it.

By the time you read this on Sunday, the funeral will have unfolded—its reels already clipped, re-captioned and fed back into the machine that made Kirk an icon, looping grief into spectacle, and spectacle into script.

https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345120-the-format-is-the-politics

Jesse Watters Steamrolls Tarlov’s ‘Both Sides’ Fascist Rhetoric Narrative [WATCH]

Fox News host Jesse Watters challenged Democratic strategist Jessica Tarlov during a broadcast of *The Five* on Friday, saying he no longer takes issue with Democrats labeling Republicans as fascist because the term has become routine and uncontrollable.

The exchange occurred during a panel discussion about political violence following the assassination of Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk. Some Democrats have attempted to link Republicans and former President Donald Trump to the rise in violence, a claim Watters dismissed.

Tarlov referenced Trump’s recent criticism of Vice President Kamala Harris, noting that Trump himself had called her a fascist. Watters interrupted her response, saying, “He’s only saying Kamala’s fascist because he ran out of things that she was dumb. That’s your word. He was just making fun of it. But Jessica, just listen.”

Tarlov pushed back, responding, “No, it was literally my turn. I do mind, deeply.”

The tense exchange highlighted how partisan divides have remained sharp since the 2024 election. During the campaign, Harris and her allies accused Trump of fascism, while President Joe Biden said Trump should be locked up. These statements followed the July 13, 2024, assassination attempt against Trump at a rally in Butler, Pennsylvania.

The gunman, 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks, opened fire on the crowd, killing volunteer fire chief Corey Comperatore. Trump was struck by a bullet that grazed his ear.

Watters argued that Democrats’ use of the “fascist” label has lost meaning. “You guys have called us this word a lot. You can’t control yourselves. We can’t control you. Nancy [Pelosi] can’t. No one can. At this point, say it. Say it all you want. I’m done complaining about it because we look weak when we complain,” Watters said.

He continued, “Please don’t say it. We’re warning you. It’s putting people in danger. Everyone’s getting shot. Their cars are getting firebombed. Conservatives can’t give a speech at a college. I’m done with saying it. You guys are going to say it.”

Watters added, “It kind of reminds me of little kids when they call you a name and then you react. They’re like, ‘Oh, we’re going to call that name again.’ So we’re done. Call us whatever you want. Call us the F-bomb. Call us the real F-bomb. I don’t care anymore.”

The issue of political rhetoric resurfaced after a second attempt on Trump’s life was uncovered on September 15, 2024, when Secret Service agents arrested Ryan Routh outside Trump International Golf Club in West Palm Beach, Florida. Agents reported Routh was hiding in bushes with an AK-47-style rifle.

Democrats have continued to portray Trump’s administration as a threat to democracy since the start of his second term. This debate has spilled into the media, where Disney-owned ABC indefinitely suspended late-night host Jimmy Kimmel after he made remarks about Kirk’s alleged shooter, sparking renewed criticism of the network’s handling of political commentary.

Polling data reflects divisions in public opinion. According to a survey conducted by Napolitan News Service, 26 percent of Americans aged 18 to 34 said the country is better off now that Charlie Kirk has been killed, though respondents also acknowledged it is always difficult to wish ill of another human being. Among Democrats, 24 percent agreed with the sentiment.
https://www.lifezette.com/2025/09/jesse-watters-steamrolls-tarlovs-both-sides-fascist-rhetoric-narrative-watch/

Piers Morgan UNLOADS on Crybaby Don Lemon — Calls Him a “D**k” After He Melts Down Over Getting “Ambushed” with the Very Clip That Got Him FIRED from CNN

**Piers Morgan and Don Lemon Discuss Reactions to Charlie Kirk’s Death and Cancel Culture**

**Piers Morgan:**
With Charlie Kirk’s death, a lot of people on the left have come out gleefully celebrating what happened. Many have been posting on social media, very happy. They turned out to be teachers, professors, doctors, nurses—people in extraordinary positions of power over other human beings. What should happen to those people?

**Don Lemon:**
Now, I don’t believe that anyone should be celebrating anybody’s death at all, ever. I don’t think anyone should be celebrating Charlie Kirk’s death. We know, and you know, Piers, that freedom of speech does come with consequences, and there are limits. There are limitations to freedom of speech. If you work for a private company, they have the right to fire you or discipline you for whatever it is that they want. If you break the rules, their codes of conduct, then you have to suffer the circumstances.

They don’t believe in canceling people.

**Piers Morgan:**
Do you feel you were a victim of cancel culture?

**Don Lemon:**
Probably, yes. I’m sure that I was a victim of cancel culture, but I would say mostly on the right for cancel culture.

**Piers Morgan:**
But this is what led to you leaving CNN. Let’s take a look at the clip.

**Don Lemon (CNN Interview):**
She says people—politicians or something—are not in their prime. Nikki Haley is in her prime. Sorry. When a woman is considered to be in her prime—in her 20s and 30s and maybe 40s. What are you talking about? That’s not according to me. Prime for what? It depends. It’s just like prime. If you look it up, if you Google, “When is a woman in her prime?” it’ll say 20s, 30s, and 40s. I don’t necessarily agree with that. I think she has to be careful about saying that.

**Piers Morgan:**
When you watched that, Don, I happened to be watching that live, and I was like, well, what did you just say?

If you had a do-over, would you say that again? What led you to say that?

**Don Lemon:**
Okay, Piers, let me just say, I’m going to answer your question, but just so the audience knows, and I hope you don’t cut this out—when I asked you what subjects you wanted to talk about, you know what you said to me? You said, “I want to talk to you about freedom of speech in America and the response to Charlie Kirk’s death.” Not once did you mention that we were going to talk about CNN or whatever. And had I known that, I probably wouldn’t have accepted this interview.

You have invited me on many times, and I tell you, Piers, I know you. I would come on your show, but I don’t do panels. And so when you said, “I’m not going to be involved in a panel,” I agreed to come on your show. But I thought you would also stick by the subjects that you told me that you were going to talk about rather than try to ambush me with something.

**Piers Morgan:**
Don, just to be clear, you and I haven’t had any conversation about your appearance here. You’re talking about my team talking to you?

**Don Lemon:**
Yeah. No. And I saw you, Piers, in a restaurant, and I said, “Hey, Piers, good to see you. I would come on your show, but I don’t do panels.” And I said the same thing to your bookers. There’s only one of you, Doug, right? When I asked you: “Okay. Yes.” And I said that’s why I agreed to do it. But when you asked me, or when your team asked me what subjects, and I asked them two or three times—I have text messages—“What do you want to cover?” Not once was CNN mentioned. So I don’t appreciate being ambushed. But let me answer your question since we were here.

**Piers Morgan:**
Hang on one second, Don. Let’s just be crystal clear about what’s just happened. You brought up the subject of cancel culture. I asked you, did you feel your departure from CNN was an example of that? And you answered the question. I think it’s perfectly reasonable.

**Don Lemon:**
And I answered the question.

**Piers Morgan:**
Perfectly reasonable in that. If you said to me, “I don’t want to talk about it,” it’s fine. No, it’s your story. You said what you’re going to say.

**Don Lemon:**
That is completely disingenuous. I don’t like arguing like this. I’m not going to get into an argument with you. Piers, I think that’s completely disingenuous. I think anyone watching that—

**Piers Morgan:**
What are you talking about?

**Don Lemon:**
And so if you will let me, if you will allow me, please—

**Piers Morgan:**
What are you talking about?

**Don Lemon:**
Did you invite me here to interrupt me? Or are you going to let me answer the question?

**Piers Morgan:**
I think you’re being a complete dick, if I’m honest with you.

**Don Lemon:**
Okay.

**Piers Morgan:**
I do.

**Don Lemon:**
Well, that’s very kind and respectful of you.
https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2025/09/piers-morgan-unloads-crybaby-don-lemon-calls-him/